{"id":11,"date":"2014-08-25T15:15:00","date_gmt":"2014-08-25T14:15:00","guid":{"rendered":""},"modified":"2023-11-13T04:44:47","modified_gmt":"2023-11-13T04:44:47","slug":"samuel-plimsolls-address-to-the-cleveland-ironstone-miners-saltburn-1874","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.artsrainbow.com\/georgemarkhamtweddell\/2014\/08\/25\/samuel-plimsolls-address-to-the-cleveland-ironstone-miners-saltburn-1874\/","title":{"rendered":"Samuel Plimsoll’s Address to the Cleveland Ironstone Miners, Saltburn 1874"},"content":{"rendered":"

<\/a>Some of the Tweddell descendants now live in and around Bristol and often pass by the statue of Samuel Plimsoll MP<\/b> and, until recently had no idea there was any link between their forebear from Stokesley – George Markham Tweddell (GMT),<\/b> North Yorkshire and  Samuel Plimsoll<\/b>. However it was known the GMT  had associations with the Cleveland Ironstone Miners Union through the work of Tony Nicholson who in his MA thesis of 1982  –<\/span>
\nThe growth of trade unionism amongst the Cleveland Ironstone Miners 1850-1876: T Nicholson. <\/i>Nicholson, T; Department of Humanities. <\/i>Book. English.<\/i><\/span>
\nPublished Teesside Polytechnic : Department of Humanities 1982<\/span><\/i>
\n
<\/i>
\nmentions the role of GMT in respect to the union. (I hope to make some notes from Tony’s dissertation soon to put on here.)<\/span>
\n
<\/span>
\nI am thankful to the Labour Councillor for Redcar and Cleveland – David Walsh<\/b> for sending me two cuttings from the Middlesbrough – Daily Gazette<\/i> 1874 and 1875, which are verbatim reports of the East Cleveland Ironstone Miners annual political meetings. This was prompted by the launch of the second part of  Sheila Crossman’s book on Joseph Shepherd, which, as described by the Northern Echo<\/i> recently is – http:\/\/www.thenorthernecho.co.uk\/history\/memories\/11265880.Engineers_of_change\/<\/a><\/span>
\n
<\/span>
\n“JOSEPH SHEPHERD<\/b> is the \u201cminers\u2019 champion\u201d in the title of a new book by Sheila Crossman<\/b> of Guisborough. Joseph was the first secretary of the Cleveland Miners\u2019 Association who tried to organise the ironstone workers to get a fairer deal from their bosses, including Sir Joseph Whitwell Pease<\/b> of Darlington. The 1870s were fractious times, of strikes and lock-outs, of blacklegs and boycotts, with the men not knowing how to unite and often distrusting their own leaders as much as the mineowners…..”<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\nAnd from http:\/\/www.thenorthernecho.co.uk\/sport\/columnists\/backtrack\/11311331.Plimsoll_lines\/<\/a><\/span><\/div>\n
\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\n“Joseph Shepherd<\/b>, a sort of 19th century Arthur Scargill<\/b> and a man described by The Northern Echo<\/i> in 1876 as \u201cthe King of Cleveland<\/i>.\u201d<\/span>
\n
<\/span>
\nShepherd, down the pit at the age of nine, formed the Cleveland Miners Association in 1872, from what <\/span><\/p>\n
\n<\/span><\/a><\/div>\n

Sheila terms his \u201cpower base\u201d at Brotton. The terms may never before have been used in the same sentence. The union was manifestly needed. They were ironstone miners, maybe 10,000 men and boys between the Tees and Whitby working 12-hour shifts winter and summer. Wages hadn’t increased for 14 years, conditions were lethal. Alexander MacDonald, the miners\u2019 national president, reported that he had seen \u201cmore crutches, more lame men, more blind men in Cleveland than all the other mining districts in the country.\u201d<\/span>
\n
<\/span>
\nThe Middlesbrough Exchange<\/b>, a newspaper, was blunter yet. \u201cThe men are not cared for so much as a dog.\u201d It concluded. The masters occupied the grandest halls in the district, most of which survive.”<\/i><\/span>
\n
<\/span>
\nThousands of miners formed themselves into lodges with heliotropic names like Rose of Summer, Flower of Cleveland and Lily of the Valley<\/i>.<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
<\/span><\/div>\n

The Miners\u2019 Champion<\/b>  and the second part The Forgotten Man<\/b> are both available for \u00a310 each from Guisborough Bookshop, Kirkleatham Museum, Cleveland Ironstone Mining Museum and Whitby Bookshop or, with \u00a32 added for post and packing, from the author at 48 Deepdale, Guisborough TS14 8JY.”<\/span><\/div>\n

\n……………………<\/span><\/div>\n
\nIntroduction<\/span><\/b><\/div>\n
\nIn this article from the (Middlesbrough) Daily Gazette<\/i> September 7th 1874, Samuel Plimsoll<\/b> MP address 4000 Cleveland Ironstone miners in a field in Saltburn, East Cleveland on the Franchise<\/i> and the then proposed Merchant Shipping Bill. <\/i>At this stage those in the Boroughs had the vote but not those in the country and there was a disequilibrium of representation which Plimsoll takes up in the article. He also discusses the fielding of working class representatives to Parliament, through the liberals – the early stage of what led to the formation of the Independent Labour Party some decades later. According to this site by local historian John Lawson, “Kate Middleton<\/b>‘s Great-Great-Grandfather Thomas Temple<\/b> was an ironstone miner in 1871 and was living in Brotton in 1874, he would have been a member of the union and attended several of the yearly Demonstration days<\/i>.” http:\/\/ironawecleveland.blogspot.co.uk\/2011\/08\/cleveland-ironstone-mining-family-of.html<\/a><\/span><\/div>\n
\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\nIt seems Samuel Plimsoll<\/b> stayed in Redcar -” In Wetherspoons, another display claims that Plimsoll <\/i><\/span><\/p>\n
\n<\/span><\/a><\/i><\/div>\n


\nwas holidaying in Redcar when, noticing the number of wrecks, he was \u201cinspired<\/i>\u201d to invent the Plimsoll Line as a sort of loading gauge.<\/i>” There is a blue plaque to Plimsoll above what is now Marks and Spencer in Redcar marking where he is said to have taken his rest. The plaque reads: “Samuel Plimsoll “The Sailors’ Friend” While staying in a house on this site he was inspired to invent the Plimsoll Line a safety mark for loading ships in 1876<\/i>“<\/span><\/div>\n

\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\nNow Marks and Spencers – it is said that Samuel Plimsoll stayed here on his visit to Redcar.<\/span><\/div>\n
\n<\/span><\/a><\/div>\n
\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\nI will upload the 1875 meeting at which George Markham Tweddell<\/b> after this but here is the first article from 1874 – <\/span><\/div>\n
\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\n
\nThe Daily Gazette
\nSeptember 7, 1874<\/span><\/b><\/div>\n
\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\nTHE
\nCLEVELAND MINERS’ ANNUAL POLITICAL DEMONSTRATION.<\/p>\n\n\n\n\n
<\/a><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
Samuel Plimsoll from Look and Learn<\/a><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n

<\/b><\/span><\/div>\n

\nMr.
\nPLIMSOLL, M.P., ON THE FRANCHISE.<\/b><\/span><\/div>\n
\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\nON
\nSATURDAY, THE CLEVELAND IRONSTONE MINERS HELD THEIR ANNUAL POLITICAL DEMONSTRATION.<\/b><\/span><\/div>\n
\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\nOn Saturday, the Cleveland Ironstone Miners held their
\nannual political demonstration at Saltburn. Early in the day that
\npleasant seaside resort began to present a lively appearance. Groups
\nof men, women and children began to power into the town by road and
\nrail, and later in the day the various lodges of the association made
\ntheir appearance, some preceded by their banners and bands. About
\nfour thousand persons were present, which \u2013 taking into
\nconsideration and the fact that the weather was extremely
\nthreatening, may be counted a fair muster. Although the sky was
\nfrequently covered with clouds which looked black and ominous, the
\nrain happily kept off until the meeting was concluded, and then, to
\nmake up for its forbearance, came down in a steady pour. The meeting
\nwas held in a field opposite the Convalescent Home, and a platform
\nwas extemporised from a couple of wagons which were sheltered from
\nthe wind by a snug haystack.<\/span><\/div>\n\n\n\n\n
<\/span><\/a><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
Saltburn by the Sea<\/span><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n
\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\n<\/span><\/a><\/div>\n
\nThe following lodges were represented at the meeting : <\/b>–<\/span><\/div>\n
\n<\/div>\n


\n<\/span>
\n<\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n
\nFaithful Lodge<\/i> \u2013 Brotton<\/span><\/div>\n
\nLily of the Valley Lodge<\/i> \u2013 Guisborough<\/span><\/div>\n
\nPreservation Lodge<\/i> \u2013 Brotton<\/span><\/div>\n
\nProspects Lodge<\/i> – Skelton<\/span><\/div>\n
\nMiners Pride Lodge<\/i> \u2013 Lofthouse<\/span><\/div>\n
\nMiners Refuge Lodge<\/i> \u2013 Marske<\/span><\/div>\n
\nStar of Hope Lodge<\/i> \u2013 Normanby<\/span><\/div>\n
\nFriendship Lodge<\/i> \u2013 Skinningrove<\/span><\/div>\n
\nLoyal Lodge<\/i> \u2013 Rosedale<\/span><\/div>\n
\nUnity Lodge<\/i> \u2013 Hinderwell<\/span><\/div>\n
\nGrand de Mont Lodge<\/i> \u2013 Grosmont<\/span><\/div>\n
\nLoyal branch Lodge<\/i> \u2013 Rosedale<\/span><\/div>\n
\nRedcar New Branch<\/i> \u2013 Redcar<\/span><\/div>\n
\nLive and Let Live<\/i> \u2013 Brotton<\/span><\/div>\n
\nFlower of the Valley<\/i> \u2013 Carling How<\/span><\/div>\n
\nOnward Lodge<\/i> \u2013 Eston<\/span><\/div>\n
\nHopeful Lodge<\/i> \u2013 Ormesby<\/span><\/div>\n
\nHope to Prosper <\/i>\u2013 North Skelton<\/span><\/div>\n
\nFlower of the Dale<\/i> \u2013 Boosbeck<\/span><\/div>\n
\nStar of Cleveland <\/i>\u2013 Stanghow<\/span><\/div>\n
\nRose of Summer <\/i>\u2013 Stanghow.<\/span><\/div>\n
\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\nMr. Thomas Green<\/b>, president of the Association, presided
\nover the meeting, and was supported on the platform by Mr Plimsoll,
\nMP; Mr Lloyd Jones, Mr Cudlip, Mr Stephen Emmerson,<\/b> and others.<\/span><\/div>\n
\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\nThe CHAIRMAN<\/b> said his duties would be very light, seeing
\nthat he was supported by such able speakers,<\/span><\/div>\n
\n<\/a><\/span><\/div>\n

and it would be wrong of
\nhim to occupy that time that ought to be devoted to them. They
\nregularly made it a practice to hold a meeting every year, which took
\nthe form of a political demonstration, because they considered there
\nwere several things that disgraced the statute book, and they held
\nthat the means of getting rid of those obnoxious matters, was by
\nholding similar to that. He trusted they would never grow
\nfaint-hearted, but persevere until they got rid of the many
\nobjectionable things they had to complain of, which would be referred
\nto that afternoon.<\/span><\/p>\n

\nMr. R. Hodgson<\/b>, of Brotton, then proposed the first
\nresolution which was as follows; –<\/span><\/div>\n
\n\u201cThat in the the opinion of this meeting the present
\nsystem of parliamentary representation is a most flagrant violation
\nof acknowledged rights, and therefore pledges itself to do its utmost
\nto bring about an assimilation of the Borough and County franchise.<\/i>\u201d <\/span><\/span><\/div>\n
\nEveryone who read a newspaper or took the slightest interest in the
\nwelfare of the country would acknowledge that it was only right that
\nthose who contributed to the wealth of the nation should have a voice
\nin making the laws they were called upon to obey. To insist upon a
\nman conforming to a law he had no voice in making., although he is
\ncompelled to contribute towards the legal ordinances of the country,
\nwas a flagrant act of injustice, and demanded immediate and positive
\nattention. (Hear Hear.) he sincerely hoped that they would not only
\nsupport the resolution but they would also commence co-operative
\nindustrial societies amongst themselves throughout the whole of
\nCleveland, and if they kept themselves banded together, before many
\nyears passed over the Government would be only too glad to give them
\nthe franchise.<\/span><\/div>\n
\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\nMr. Wm. HAMBLEY<\/b>, of Skinningrove, seconded the
\nresolution. He said that when he looked round that assemblage , and
\nconsidered how few amongst them had the vote or a voice in sending a
\nrepresentative to Parliament, he could not help thinking what an
\nimportant duty was incumbent on each one of them not to rest
\nsatisfied until they had an assimilation of the borough and county
\nfranchise. (Applause). He considered it a great injustice that
\nintelligent and thinking men in the country should not be allowed to
\nbe equal with those in the borough. (Hear hear and applause).<\/span><\/div>\n
\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\nMr. LLOYD JONES<\/b> then rose to support the resolution,
\nwhich was the signal for an outburst of <\/p>\n\n\n\n\n
<\/a><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
The article as it appears in the Daily Gazette 1874<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n

enthusiastic applause. He
\nsaid he was there that day at the request of their Committee to say a
\nfew words to them on the assimilation of the Borough and Country
\nfranchise. What was really meant by that phrase was that people
\nliving outside the boundary of parliamentary boroughs should enjoy
\ntheir rights of citizenship just the same as if they lived within
\nthose boundaries ; in other words, that when one man possessed the
\nprivileges of citizenship under the law, the law should be equal and
\nconfer the same privileges on other men of a like description. He
\nremembered when parliamentary reform first began to be seriously
\ntalked about or rather when the masses of the people first moved for
\nthe purpose of improving the representation of the country. Many of
\nthem, no doubt, thought that things used to be pretty much the way
\nthey are now. He could tell them, however, that within his memory,
\nand when he first began to listen to the voices of those who were
\ncalled agitators, that nearly all the great communities of the
\ncountry were entirely without representation. Members of Parliament
\nwere returned for small places where there scarcely any inhabitants
\nwhatever, as for instance, Old Serum, where there was not one single
\ninhabitant, and where, when election time came round, a tent had to
\nbe erected in which a few of the Burgesses of Salisbury assembled for
\nthe purpose of returning two members to parliament. (Laughter).
\nAnother similar case was a borough in Surrey called Detton. The
\nproprietor was a baronet named Sir Mark Wood<\/b> and he and his son and
\nbutler were the only voters and they returned two members to
\nparliament. (Renewed laughter). Once one of the members died, when
\nthe son was travelling on the continent, and Sir mark having
\nquarrelled with his butler, and wishing to have his son returned had
\nan insurmountable difficulty to contend with, for whom when Sir Mark
\nproposed his son, the butler refused to second him and before the son
\ncould obtain the seat, the thing had to be made all right as far as
\nthe butler was concerned. (Loud laughter) Now, at that time, the
\ngreat town of Manchester, with its hundreds and thousands of
\ninhabitants, returned no member to parliament. The great town of
\nBirmingham, filled with an active, industrious and intelligent
\npopulation, had no representation in parliament ; and when he spoke
\nof those two great towns, he simply spoke of them as a sample of a
\nlarge number of places which had no representation whatever. When the
\npublic became alive in this state of things, and insisted in its
\nbeing altered, there were hundreds of gentlemen in the British
\nparliament, and hundreds and thousands outside who declared that
\nthings were just as well as they could possibly be, and that if they
\ninterfered with what was called the British Constitution the sky sky
\nwould fall, and nothing but ruin would come upon the country. But an
\nalternative came, representation was given where the population of
\nthe country was greatest, and where the wealth and intelligence of
\nthe country was centred : and was there anyone who knew what the
\ncountry was at the time he had been referring to, and what it was
\nnow, who would not say that that change had been a beneficial change
\nfor the country? (Cheers) No one can deny it and be held that the
\nLegislature would be justified by all that had been done in the past
\nin enlarging the liberties of the people. Why should they at Saltburn
\nbe forced at a disadvantage with the same class of men who live in a
\nborough? What had they done that they should be excluded from the
\nbenefits of the laws and the privileges enjoyed by their brethren in
\nlarge towns? He considered it was the duty of every man who could
\ndrew upon any distinction between what was politically right and what
\nwas politically wrong, to endeavour to get justice extended to the
\nmasses of people. (Applause) Every man, of whatever class or
\ncondition, had an interest in the welfare of his country, and, though
\na working man’s stake was not so large as the stakes of those who
\nowned ironstone mines, coal mines, factories, landed estates etc., a
\nman’s patriotism should not be measured by the extent of his
\npossessions. (Hear hear \u2013 applause).<\/span><\/div>\n

\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\nThey all desired to see the country prosper ; but it
\nwas only when they conferred power over the whole nation, when it
\nceased to be a class power and became a national power, that it would
\nenjoy its greatest prosperity, and the future fates of those they
\nwould leave behind them, depended on the action they took. The
\nhistory of England told them that the lands of England were
\noriginally held by men who were bound to furnish the means of defence
\nfor the country, and aggression against foreign nations, that the men
\nwho held the land found soldiers and sailors to repel an invasion or
\nto enforce a foe abroad into submission or peace. England’s history
\ntold them that, from the time of William the Conqueror<\/b>, up to the
\ntime of Charles the First<\/b> – and that included the period of our
\nwhole historical renown \u2013 we conquered France twice, we captured
\nand destroyed the Spanish Armada<\/i>, we did all that a nation could be
\ncalled upon to do, as a fighting nation, and we do not incur one
\nshilling of debt in doing it, and the nation was left without any
\ndebt. The Long Parliament<\/i>, however, put aside the dues that lay upon
\nthe land and threw the whole of the burden upon revenue returns of
\nthe country. And what was the result? In a period less than that he
\nhad been speaking of, from the time of the restoration of Charles the
\nSecond<\/b> to the end of 1815, they had run into a debt of \u00a3800,000,000,
\nwhich, even their great grand children’s, grand children would not
\nsee paid. Now was it right that they should shift the burden from
\ntheir own shoulders on to the shoulders of the people, when<\/p>\n\n\n\n\n
<\/a><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
House of Commons<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n

they held
\nthe land as an equivalent for defending the nation? Coming down to
\npresent time, he might say that there were things existing which
\ncould not exist if people possessed the power they ought to possess.
\n(Hear hear). They might take, for instance, the case which had been
\nchampioned by their friend, Mr Plimsoll<\/b> \u2013 the case of the Merchant
\nseamen, and what did they see? They saw a number of men engaged in
\ndoing the greatest work men were ever called upon to do. (Loud
\napplause) Taking stone from the bowls of the earth in order that it
\nmight be converted into articles of machinery of almost every
\ndescription was a great work, but the sailing across dangerous seas
\nto foreign countries with our products and bringing back in exchange
\nthe things they required in their homes for the daily comfort of
\ntheir families, was work which no man should be called upon to do
\nwithout having all the protection which human consideration and laws
\ncan give him (loud cheers) What had been discovered? What had Mr
\nPlimsoll <\/b>proved to the country? They were not assertions ; for however
\nunwillingly the late commission had made its admissions, it was now
\nclear that numbers of ships were lost through a love of greed and
\npure love of gain. (Shame) Many of our brave men’s lives might be
\nsaved if men <\/span><\/div>\n

\n<\/a><\/span><\/div>\n

were disposed to do their duty towards each other. A
\nscoundrel of an owner often got his ship insured and sent her to sea
\nwith no other object than to lose her ; the vessel went down and her
\nload was recorded as one of the casualties of the deep about which
\nthere was no use saying another word. But Mr. Plimsoll had proved
\nthat there was use in saying another word, and he was glad to see
\nthat they and other working men in England had come forward in that
\nwork of mercy, and had shown that they were determined to that
\nprofit should not be made of the lives of their fellow creatures.
\n(Loud Cheers). The speaker then referred to the number of deaths
\nfrom starvation which had occurred in the metropolis, no less than
\n106 taking place last year, and to the fact that they were paying
\n\u00a38,000,000 for the support on one million of people who could not
\nsupport themselves. He also spoke of the emigration of agricultural
\nlabourers, which, he said had almost amounted to a general exodus,
\nand these and other matters he might name showed the want of better
\nGovernment, for a rich country like theirs ought to govern her people
\nin comfort. (Applause) To bring about that end a better
\nrepresentation was needed, and he hoped the day was not now far off
\nwhen they would obtain their just rights by the assimilation of the
\nBorough and Country Franchise (Loud Applause).<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\nMr JOHN EMMERSON<\/b>, of Saltburn, proposed the next
\nresolution as follows – \u201cThat this meeting hears with regret that
\nthe criminal clauses of the Masters and Servants act and the laws
\nknown as the Criminal Law Amendment Act <\/i>still disgrace the statute
\nbook. It is obliged therefore, to repeat its expression of
\nindignation because of this piece of class legislation, and hopes
\nthat the present Government inquiry will result in a thorough
\nrenovation of these Acts to a repeal of the disgraceful clauses..\u201d
\n– In bringing that subject before them he said there could be no
\ndoubt that those obnoxious clauses ought to be at once repealed. He
\nsaw that Mr MacDonald<\/b>, in a speech at the Durham Miners’
\nDemonstration<\/i>, urged them to send in a petition on the subject which
\nwould the table of the House of Commons to groan under its weight,
\nand he hoped that suggestion would not be lost sight of. (Cheers)<\/span><\/div>\n
\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\nMr MICHAEL WESTACOTT<\/b> of  Eston , in seconding the
\nresolution, said that he the ‘Masters and Servants’ Act <\/i>was
\nunquestionably one law for the Masters and one law for the servants.
\nThe 9th<\/sup> clause provides that where a workman broke a
\ncontract, he could sent to prison for three months, and where a
\nMaster broke it there was no such punishment as imprisonment. The
\n14th<\/sup> clause of the same Act he regarded as a helpmate for
\nthe other, and he thought it was their duty to agitate until the
\nabove clauses were repealed.<\/span><\/div>\n
\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\nThe CHAIRMAN<\/b> then called on Mr Plimsoll, MP<\/b> to support
\nthe resolution. He had travelled 700 miles to be with them that day,
\nand he hoped they would award him a hearty reception. (Loud
\nApplause).<\/span><\/div>\n
\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\nMr PLIMSOLL<\/b>, who was received with cheers, said : “Mr
\nChairman, ladies and Gentlemen, with a large number of politicians,
\n‘rest and be thankful<\/i>‘ seems a favourite motto. Be thankful as much
\nas you like but I think there is too much work that wants doing, for
\nthis time of rest to be said to have arrived. Many things inflict
\nsociety at present, and I will just enumerate a few of them and it
\nwill require hard work to put them right.. We have petty offenders
\nagainst the laws who must always be the vast majority of those who
\nare subject to the penalties of those laws, but up before those who’s
\ninterests are diametrically the opposed to themselves. We have an
\nunpaid magistracy, unpaid and untrained and not merely unpaid but
\ninefficient. I would like to see a time when game preservers would no
\nlonger sit in judgement over poachers, manufacturers over artisans,
\nor ship-owners over sailors. (hear hear).<\/span><\/div>\n
\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\nLet us have magistrates who understand their business,
\nand will hold the scales of justice with an even and steady hand.
\nAnother matter which may well engage our attention is the prosecution
\nof offences against the person or property. These are at present
\nleft in private hands, but I trust we shall soon have public
\nprosecutors, so as to do away with the scandal of having the criminal
\nlaw put in operation by private and irresponsible persons for the
\npurpose of extorting money by force from others. Then, gentlemen,
\nthere is the Criminal Law Amendment Act , and the group of measures
\ngenerally understood when that term is used, the law of conspiracy,
\nand the masters and servants act. These three all person acknowledge,
\nrequire considerable amendment, and I am in great hope that the next
\nsession of parliament will not pass without some satisfactory
\nmeasures on these subjects being passed. The law of Masters and
\nServants or a similar law operates particularly hard in the case of
\nsailors. We have these men continually sent to prison, simply because
\nthey refuse to go to sea because the ship is too deeply loaded, and
\nthey have not a chance for their lives, and if they refuse , they are
\nbrought up before some ship-owning magistrates and their only choice
\nis \u2013 go to sea or go to prison. Such cases are happening
\ncontinually. Last year 600 men were sent to gaol, and maintained
\nthere at your expense and mine, simply because they had a proper
\nobjection to being drowned by the dozen and the score. There are many
\nother matters which require attention, but which the present system
\nof selecting representatives in Parliament, they have not that chance
\nof being attended to which they would have if the whole machinery of
\nGovernment was improved. I want to see such a re-distribution of
\nelectoral power, as will ensure that the people be represented as
\nthat capitalists.. At present the House of Commons consists far too
\nlargely of men whose only interest is keeping what they have, and
\nadding more to it. They do as might be expected. They pass laws in
\ntheir own interest. When the landlords were predominant, they not
\nonly shifted the burdens on the land upon the country, but in order
\nto make the land yield more profit, they taxed all corn brought from
\nabroad into the country, with the view of raising the price of corn
\ngrown at home. I am thankful to say that their power seems to have
\npassed away, and we seem likely to have better times in the future. I
\nwould rather that the object of the meeting not been so much the
\nassimilation of the Borough and the County franchise as that we had
\ntaken the whole subject fairly in hand, and advocated that the
\ndistinction between Borough and the county voters is artificial and
\nmischievous, and that that I can see no reason for keeping it up. I
\nthink it would be greatly to the advantage of the English nation,
\nthat instead of of boroughs and counties we had electoral districts,
\nso that there would be no distinction between dwellers in towns and
\ncounties, so that we might exercise our rights and privileges as
\nEnglishmen. Mr Disraeli<\/b> in one of his great speeches in 1867, said
\n\u201cIf you are going to invest in men with <\/i><\/p>\n\n\n\n\n
<\/i><\/a><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
Benjamin Disraeli<\/i><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n

the exercise of great
\npublic rights let that trust be accompanied with the performance of
\npublic duties<\/i>.\u201d Who is there in the country that does not perform
\npublic duties? And he goes on to say that regularity of life and a
\ngeneral trustworthiness of conduct ought to be qualifications for the
\nfranchise, and on that ground I unhesitatingly claim, the franchise
\nfor all the country – (Applause). For I know that the inhabitants
\nof England set an example to all on earth, both as to the regularity
\nof their lives, and also as to the general trustworthiness of their
\nconduct. They not only deserve well of the country for the right to
\ndischarge of their duty, but deserve the admiration of the country
\nfor having a general consideration for the welfare of others. And
\ngentlemen , it was your hearty and warm appreciation of the efforts I
\nhad been putting forth for sailors that made me come here, because
\nyou have not only done your duty to yourselves and your wives and
\nfamilies, but have had thought and a shilling to spare for those less
\nable to protect themselves. (Loud applause) I want to deal with one
\nof the objections to the present state of the franchise. If a man
\nlives in a borough he is a good voter, but if he improves his
\ncircumstances and out of regard for a delicate wife or family he
\nremoves to the country, though he is only proving that he is the more
\ncareful father of a family, he loses his vote. Again, if a non voter,
\nany one of you, has not a vote, but goes into a town, he immediately
\ngets one. There can be no sense in that sort of thing, because it is
\nclear that the vote is rather the possession of the bricks and mortar
\nthan the man. I regard your claims as unanswerable and I think it
\naugers well for the future state of England, when her sons are
\nanxious to obtain(?) The franchise. Nor is this all. If the franchise
\nwas conferred on every grown man in the country, which I think would
\nnot be the extent of the reform now needed, because unless we have a
\nvery considerable re-distribution of seats and electoral power, we
\nshould have the intelligence and industry of the country swamped, in
\nmany cases by minorities. At the present moment there are 77
\nconstituencies, each with less than 10,000 people that return 77
\nmembers. The whole of the voters for the 77 constituencies are
\n65,000, so that each member represents a a constituency of of 852
\nvoters alone. There are 82 constituencies not with less than 10,000
\npeople each, who only return the same number of representatives. Of
\nthese 82 each represents, therefore not 852 but 12,411 voters, and 82
\nconstituencies the more increase of the electors during the last two
\nyears has been greater than the whole number or the electors in the
\n77 constituencies I have referred to. Take another illustration :
\nBirmingham with 343,000 people, only sends three members to
\nParliament, while Buckingham, with 175,000, sends 8. If Birmingham
\nwere represented in the same degree it would have 16 members of
\nParliament instead of three. Manchester, with a population of 379,000
\nvoters, sends only 3 members, and by an ingenious device of Mr
\nDisraeli, one votes against the other, so that they may be said to
\nonly send one. Berkshire, with 196,000 people and 15,000 electors
\nsends 8 members, while Manchester sends 3. The proportion for
\nManchester, if measured by Berkshire, would be thirty. The five
\ncounties, Wilts, Somerset, Dorset, Devon and Cornwall with less than
\n2,000,00, send 66 members to Parliament ; while London with more than
\n3,000,000, only sends 22 or one third, while in population it ought
\nto send 120. These facts gentlemen, will show that great changes are
\nneeded, over and above the mere giving the vote to those who live in
\nthe country. We must have something approximate to electoral
\ndistricts before we can be said to have attained to full
\nrepresentation of the country. Theses are not merely the arguments of
\nthe platform agitator, because the Times<\/i> says the anomalies in
\nthe distribution of electoral power are gross and untenable. But you
\nmust not suppose that because the case is so strong, and the thing
\nseems so reasonable that we shall get it without a struggle.
\nInstance, the state of things described by Mr Jones, as proceeding
\nthe passing of the Reform Act of 1832. That change was not brought
\nabout without a great struggle. If there were those who were ready to
\ndefend, and did defend the then existing state of things with very
\ngreat force, they must not suppose that men would be wanting to
\noppose the reform which we contend is so much needed. I happened to
\nbe at that place Mr Jones was describing, Old Sarum, on <\/p>\n\n\n\n\n
<\/a><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
Old Sarum<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n

Tuesday, and
\nit is just at the top of a hill like Roseberry Topping. As Mr Jones
\nsaid, for many many years after there had ceased to be a single house
\nthe owners of the acres met under a tree to decide which two electors
\nshould be the members of Parliament . The only inhabitants that I
\ncould see were partridges and rabbits (laughter) – so that they went
\nto represent them in place of men. We must not only have these things
\nI have spoken of secured and freed, but have also a fair and full
\nexpression of the national will. And I hold it to be necessary that
\nall classes should not only vote for representatives, but that they
\nshould send them from their own ranks. – (Applause) and that there
\nshould be members of the House of Commons drawn from every class of
\nsociety. (Applause) If this is to be, we must have, I don;t say
\npayment of members, gentlemen but something like what we have for
\ncabinet ministers. If a man has been a cabinet minister, and held
\noffice for five years and retires, he is at liberty to say he cannot
\nafford to live without a salary. It is not given to all as a rule,
\nbut it is to enable men of genuine, who have given their services to
\nthe State, to be maintained, and if it is not beneath the dignity of
\n a Cabinet minister to accept a pension from the state, I can’t see
\nhow it would degrade a member of Parliament, if he was a working man.
\nI think that something like that, partially limited to working men,
\nwould be a deal better than making it common to all. I think it would
\nbe a pity to run any risk of destroying the force of attraction which
\nis supposed to attach to the office, seeing that it draws to the
\nservices of the state, men whose services we could badly do without,
\nand which attraction proves an inducement to men of high culture in
\nthe house, to have working men representatives and I don;t see how
\nthis is to be accomplished, unless they are paid. We must also have
\nthe cost of elections to municipalities. I think if we arrive at this
\nwe shall have a fair chance of having such an infusion of fresh blood
\ninto the house as to enable us to secure fresh ability, and we shall
\nhave good legislation becoming much easier, and if anybody in the
\nfuture should find a great and intolerable injustice. Three weeks ago
\nI was looking out at sea from the watering place of Clifton near
\nBristol, on the <\/span><\/div>\n

\n<\/a><\/span><\/div>\n

Severn, and I saw a large vessel that was going to
\nsea. She was nearly overhead in the water, and had a bad list, and
\nwas helplessly drifting about. Three days after that I read that a
\nlarge vessel had been lost off  Bude, and twenty men drowned. I don;t
\nknow that it was the same ship that I saw, but I am having an inquiry
\nmade into it. I do say this, and I challenge any man out of bedlam to
\ncontradict it, that we have every week and every month dozens and
\nscores of hard-working men, men with wives and children, whose lives
\nare as precious to them as your are, that you sent down to death for
\nnothing on earth except to enable some greedy scoundrel that cares
\nnothing for his fellow men, to add to his wealth ; and, please God,
\nwe will stop it. (Loud applause) These things cannot be put right
\nwithout effort. – A great deal has been done since the time Mr Jones
\nreferred to. We have had men who lived before us that laboured hard
\nfor us, and who were put in prison and tried for the lives. Shall we
\ndo nothing for those who come after us? Seeing we enjoy so much of
\nwhat has been obtained for us by those who preceded us \u2013 let us do
\nour part and leave the world better than we found it. Your children
\nwill be better off, politically, than you are, or worse ; for the
\nretrograde. But we shall find and of this we are well satisfied, that
\nunless we are watchful and vigilant to our children, we shall find a
\nnew race of oppressors rise up in the pampered purse-proud
\ncapitalists, and in those who get their living by employing others. I
\nknow there are many noble men amongst capitalists. I do not wish to
\nsay anything against them but I do say that a great many who have not
\nbrains, and who think they discharge and by lavish outlay upon
\nthemselves. They that desires, instead of trying to make the world a
\nbetter than it was before and those who are eager to stand in great
\nplaces are not only willing to inconvenience the working classes,but
\nin order to get rich they are willing, as in the case I have given,
\nto expose them not only to risk, but to absolute death, so long as
\ntheir own comfort and wealth is augmented. Gentlemen, I call upon you
\nto choose the good part, lively and loving Englishmen. Don;t be
\ncontent simply to enjoy the privileges which others have wrought
\nfor, but let us keep and preserve what our forefathers have handed to
\nus and extend the stock to those who come after us, so that this
\nglorious old England of ours, in spite of oppression and wrong, shall
\nbe better year by year, as time goes on and not work merely for
\nyourselves, but also for your children, advancing the cause of
\nfreedom, rights and liberties everywhere, amongst all mankind. Mr
\nPlimsoll<\/b> then resumed his seat amid loud applause.<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\nMr JOSEPH TOYNE<\/b> of Skelton was called upon to propose a
\nthird resolution, which was as follows –<\/span><\/div>\n
\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\n\u201cThat it is the opinion of this meeting that the
\ncondition of our Merchant seamen has been too long neglected,
\nconsidering the many evils by which it was characterised, and
\nrequests that the Government of the country will, in the coming
\nsession of Parliament. Propose a measure that will give all possible
\nprotection to the lives of and interests of our sailors.<\/i>\u201d <\/span><\/span><\/div>\n
\nIn
\nmoving that resolution, he said that while they they were engaged in
\ntheir occupation as miners they were exposed to accidents which
\noften occur instantaneous and they should appreciate the lot of our
\nsailors who were continually exposed to the perils of the deep
\n(Applause). He thought the thanks of the meeting were due to Mr
\nPlimsoll for trying to better the conditions of our seamen, and he
\nbelieved that no levy was more cheerfully paid than that which was
\nmade on the Cleveland and North Yorkshire miners towards the good
\nwork that Mr Plimsoll was heart and soul engaged in. (Applause)<\/span><\/div>\n
\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\nMr HAMMLEY<\/b> Seconded and the resolution was unanimously
\ncarried . <\/span>
\n<\/span><\/div>\n
\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\nMR THOMAS FLOOAT<\/b> (?), of Guisborough proposed and Mr
\nEMMANUEL RUSSELL<\/b> of Brotton seconded a vote of thanks to Mr
\nPlimsoll MP and Mr Jones for their eloquent addresses. This was
\naccompanied by three hearty cheers. Mr Plimsoll and Mr Jones replied
\nin suitable terms.<\/span><\/div>\n
\n
<\/span><\/div>\n
\nA vote of thanks to the gentleman who had lent the field
\nand the wagons , to the Chairman for presiding , to Mr Stephen
\nEmmerson<\/b>, and to the representatives of the press brought the
\nproceedings to a termination.<\/span><\/div>\n
\n\u2026…………………………………………..<\/span><\/span><\/div>\n
\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Some of the Tweddell descendants now live in and around Bristol and often pass by the statue of Samuel Plimsoll MP and, until recently had no idea there was any link between their forebear from Stokesley – George Markham Tweddell (GMT), North Yorkshire and  Samuel Plimsoll. However it was known the GMT  had associations with […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":102,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.artsrainbow.com\/georgemarkhamtweddell\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.artsrainbow.com\/georgemarkhamtweddell\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.artsrainbow.com\/georgemarkhamtweddell\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.artsrainbow.com\/georgemarkhamtweddell\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.artsrainbow.com\/georgemarkhamtweddell\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=11"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/www.artsrainbow.com\/georgemarkhamtweddell\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":116,"href":"https:\/\/www.artsrainbow.com\/georgemarkhamtweddell\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11\/revisions\/116"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.artsrainbow.com\/georgemarkhamtweddell\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/102"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.artsrainbow.com\/georgemarkhamtweddell\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=11"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.artsrainbow.com\/georgemarkhamtweddell\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=11"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.artsrainbow.com\/georgemarkhamtweddell\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=11"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}